1990s NEWS
Interview with Khalil Shikaki pt 1
Interview with Khalil Shikaki, political science professor, expert In Palestinian opinions. Re: Events around the Oslo Agreement, Infatada and suicide bombs.,KHALIL SHIKAKI:,Shikaki, is S-h-i-k-a-k-i. And Khalil is K-h-a-l-i-l. , INTERVIEWER:,Do you have a shorter title, that you might use, a public opinion expert researcher? , KHALIL SHIKAKI:,I am a Professor of Political Science. You can either call me Khalil, or call me whatever you like. [OFF CAMERA COMMENTS] , INTERVIEWER:,Khalil, where are you from, originally? , KHALIL SHIKAKI:,I was born in Rufa [PH], in the Gaza Strip. , INTERVIEWER:,In Rufa? , KHALIL SHIKAKI:,Yes. Rufa is a town near the border of Egypt, on the Gaza Strip. , INTERVIEWER:,And did you grow up there? ,00:01:35>>>, KHALIL SHIKAKI:,I lived there until I was about thirteen years of age, and then I moved to Jerusalem, where I lived for about three years through my high school. And then went to Beir Zeit and went from there to the American University in Beirut, and Kuwait, and then to New York. , INTERVIEWER:,And New York - tell about your experience in New York. , KHALIL SHIKAKI:,New York was for education. I spent five years at Columbia University, getting my PhD. , INTERVIEWER:,What is your, your Arab expertise - you are now the preeminent expert on Palestinian public opinion. You know the pulse of the people. What did you study - or - tell about how you came to become the expert in this area. ,00:02:32>>>, KHALIL SHIKAKI:,Well, when I returned home in 1986, to teach at Najaf University, in Nablus, I discovered that there was absolutely no work at all being done on public opinion. We didn't know anything about public perception, with regard to occupation, domestic issues, social issues. And as a political scientist, I wanted to understand Palestinian domestic policy and politics which was critical that we - that I got empirical data on issues of the day. Therefore I had to do surveys.,In 1986, however, it was not possible to do surveys, because the Israelis who occupied the West Bank and Gaza, at that time, refused to allow us to do surveys. And it wasn't until, really in 1993, that the Israeli grip on Palestinian society and politics, was listened, and we were able to do surveys for the first time. , INTERVIEWER:,In 1983? ,00:03:45>>>, KHALIL SHIKAKI:,In 1993. In 1993. That was the year when we started doing surveys on a regular basis. This is sort of - not just doing surveys, but building an infrastructure for survey research in Palestine. This was the first opportunity we had, to be able to do that - to train free workers, to train ourselves. And, of course, to obtain data, reliable data; figures, maps, that were essential for our work. , INTERVIEWER:,In America, polls and public opinions is a way of life. Every other day, as you described, you get the phone call, you know, Gallop, or whatever. You're used to it. Even in Israel there is an obsessive use of polls, all the time, whether they're reliable or not. And - but, what if the Palestinian people time the use - this must have been an adjustment to the concept- I'm sure the Center of Palestinian Media and Research maybe here and there, or things like that, Jerusalem City. But basically, was it a new terrain? ,00:04:53>>>, KHALIL SHIKAKI:,Pretty much so. Most Palestinians were not exposed to survey research. Not only because Israelis wouldn't allow them - allow researchers to do it. Not also because it was very difficult to do professional scientific work. And therefore, we spent - before we did our first survey, we used researchers, (Inaudible) Research Center, we spent more than a year in preparation for our first survey. We had to rely on the expert - expertise of, of professionals from all over the world, who came to us, to train us, to train our field workers to work with us in the initial period, until we were able to develop that infrastructure, that we continue to rely on until today. , INTERVIEWER:,Tell a story of the change and response rates. , KHALIL SHIKAKI:,Well, during the first year of the - of our training, so to speak, the first year in which we were trying to figure out what it will mean to acquire - to do reliable survey research, they - we discovered that the response rate of people, inside their homes, was less than 40%. In other words, a lot of people were not willing to talk to us, during this testing period. They never heard of us before. They had never been exposed to survey research before. And we had to spend a great deal of time and effort, to overcome technical, as well as social and political problems, until we had been able to reduce the rejection rate, to 2%. , INTERVIEWER:,So now, the rejection rate - , KHALIL SHIKAKI:,The rejection rate today is 2%, indeed. , INTERVIEWER:,1993, you haven been researching this issue, what was the Palestinian support for the Oslo Peace Process? ,00:07:04>>>, KHALIL SHIKAKI:,Well, the first survey we had done, in fact, coincided with the signing of the Oslo Declaration of Principals, in the White House. In fact, we released the results of our first survey on that same day. And the public response was euphoric. We had more than two-thirds who supported the Oslo Process. The expectations were tremendous, economic, as well as political. Most people began to view this process as one that will end occupation, that will give them a state with good governors, and one that will give them economic development, economic progress. These expectations were all captured in our first surveys that we had done right then, between September and December of 1993. , INTERVIEWER:,Things have fluctuated over the years, at the dark points, there was support for suicide bombers. I don't know - 70%, you tell me. During the height of the Netanyahu regime. I don't remember exactly. Tell us about some of the low and the highs. ,00:08:17>>>, KHALIL SHIKAKI:,Well, support for violence against Israelis fluctuated. In the initial period of the peace process, we had some ups and downs. The most dramatic, negative impact, came in early 1994, with the Baruch Epstein Massacre, in Hevron. That led to almost a year, perhaps even a year and a half, in which the public was reluctant to give support to the peace process, and there would begin to see a majority of the Palestinian supporting violence against Israelis. ,But then, by mid 1995, the public shifts thinking, again. This coincided, of course, with changes on the ground. The Israelis and Palestinians are now more successful in getting agreements to move forward in the peace process. So, one can say that the second half of 1995, and the first half of 1996, is the Golden Era for the peace process. We begin to see significant, I would say, fundamental, psychological transformation, among the Palestinians, with recognition that Israelis and Palestinians would live together, that the process will lead to full reconciliation between Palestinians and Israelis. This is something that we began to sense, in 1995, 1996. ,But then we have three years of Netanyahu, freezing the development progress in the peace process. And there we, again, begin to see changes. During the Golden Era of the Peace Process, that year, second half of 95', first half of 1996, support for suicide attacks and violence did not exceed 20%. There was a majority of the Palestinians supporting a crackdown, and those who resort to violence and suicide attacks against the Palestinians. But then, with Netanyahu, we begin to see shifts again; the public support for violence, increasing to 40, sometimes up to 50%. ,00:10:29>>>, The period of Barak didn't see significant change, the public really never trusted Barak. But support for violence dropped slightly under Barak. It wasn't until after the collapse of the Camp David, that we began to see a major shift in public thinking, in July 2000, two months before the Intifada, when we asked, in that month, whether the public would support an Intifada, and return to violent confrontations. A majority of Palestinians said, yes. This was a significant change which indicated that the public had, essentially, lost confidence in diplomacy, as the means to end occupation. , INTERVIEWER:,What would you say is the support during these last two years, for a two state solution, and the Palestinian people? ,00:11:25>>>, KHALIL SHIKAKI:,There is no doubt that, since the second half of 1995, 96, a majority of the Palestinians continued to support a two state solution. In July, 2000, right after the failure of Camp David, we still had almost three quarters of the Palestinians who said that they would support reconciliation between the two peoples, within the context of a two state solution, whereby Israel would recognize a Palestinian state. This recognition, of the need for a two state solution, and the willingness to accept reconciliation, has not changed a bit during the past two years of Intifada. While we have seen ups and downs, in terms of the level of support for violence, of suicide attacks, during the two years of the Intifada, more than two years of Intifada. One thing remained, basically, unchanged, and that is the level of support for reconciliation, within the context of a two state solution. Three quarters, or so, the Palestinians continue today to support it. There has also been a shift in recent months, in the way that the Palestinians viewed violence. And the first year and a half of the Intifada support for violence was open ended. Palestinians, essentially, lost all trust and confidence in diplomacy. ,00:12:56>>>,But, I would say, that during the past six months, that Palestinians began to reassess. We see in the last survey I've done in November, for example, for the first time, we have almost three quarters of the Palestinians who tell us that they support a mutual succession of violence, and that within the context of the mutual succession of violence, they would support a Palestinian crackdown, a security crackdown, on those who continue to resort to suicide attacks against Israelis, inside Israel. This, indeed, is a significant shift, because, in previous surveys, when we asked about these two questions, we never, we have never gotten the majority in support of succession of violence, or in support of a crackdown. , INTERVIEWER:,What would you say during - you're not talking about the October, 2000 survey, I'm assuming - the 2002 survey? , KHALIL SHIKAKI:,The survey I'm referring to, in which we are beginning to see a significant reassessment, is the one that we had done in November, 2002. , INTERVIEWER:,What would you say, during the past two years, then, was the lowest amount of support for violence in suicide bombs, among the Palestinian people? ,00:14:16>>>, KHALIL SHIKAKI:,The level of support, today, is probably the lowest that we have seen during the Intifada, which is a little bit over 50%. In other words, the Palestinian society is pretty much divided on the issue. There is a full polarization, half of it supports suicide attacks, the other half does not. But this support is conditional, on the continuation of the violence for Israel. Within a context, in which Israel seeks - in which Israel, in fact, is a partner to a mutual secession of violence, the level of support for suicide attacks ,for violence in general, drops dramatically. And, in fact, we begin to see, as I said, a lot more willingness, on the part of the Palestinians to support crackdown on those who continue to carry out violence on these Israelis. , INTERVIEWER:,So if the lowest is around now, what was the highest? ,00:15:19>>>, KHALIL SHIKAKI:,The highest level of support for violence against civilians inside Israel, during the Intifada, has been almost 80%. About 80%. And I think we've seen this about a year into the first Intifada. The highest level of support for suicide attacks, among Palestinians, during this Intifada, has been about 80%. And this is something we have seen during the first year, or about one year into this Intifada. Now, more than two years into it, this level has dropped to about 50%, a little bit over 50%. , INTERVIEWER:,Does this coincide with party affiliate support for, let's say, Hamas, the ____ Brigade, versus Fatah? Because the positions coincide with that. ,00:16:17>>>, KHALIL SHIKAKI:,Well, we have seen a lot of changes, in terms of political affiliation, and domestic violence support during the past ten years, since the start of the peace process. The Intifada, essentially, did one thing. It dramatically increased, during the first year, the level of support for Hamas, and almost by 40%. The Hamas and other Islamic groups, increased their strength by almost 40% during the first year of this Intifada. Fatah, and other mainstream nationalist groups, have lost about 25% of their support during the first year of this Intifada. Now, this had an impact on the level of support for violence, during the first year. But this has really not changed during the second year of the Intifada. Up until today, we still have the same balance of power that we have seen one year into this Intifada. ,00:17:24>>>,The shift in thinking, with regard to the utility of violence, and the desire, and the willingness to support return to negotiations, a mutual cessation of violence and crackdown, has more to do, I believe, with the belief among Palestinians that perhaps now there is better chance for a political horizon. I think the introduction of the road map, the American administration's willingness to come out strongly and support - of a two state solution, supporting the viable Palestinian statehood, has been very positive, in terms of effecting Palestinians perception of the role of negotiations and diplomacy. , INTERVIEWER:,We discussed, before, that Sharon - he has this extremist position, but that actually the Israeli population is actually not the same. And yet they elected Sharon. Tell us what you think caused that. ,00:18:20>>>, KHALIL SHIKAKI:,There's no doubt that the eruption of Intifada had led the Israeli public, which has already shown signs of moderation, unwillingness to compromise. The eruption of the Intifada gave the Israelis the impression that the Palestinians were not willing to accept compromise. Under the tremendous pain and suffering that the Israelis felt, during the first months of the Intifada, and the violence of the Intifada. The Israelis looked for Sharon, for someone with security, or history in combating Palestinian violence. Someone like Sharon, who was unelectable until that point, became, all of a sudden, the darling of the Israeli public. The Palestinian public, the eruption of the Intifada, is what pushed the Israeli public to support the election of Sharon. I believe the Israeli public continued to be moderate, and to show moderate attitudes, with regard to the peace process support for Palestinian statehood, despite the fact that the public has elected Sharon. As long as the Israeli focus is on security, and the need for security, the Israeli public will continue to support Sharon, regardless of his political views about the peace process. Because what the Israelis need now, more than anything else, is security. Under these conditions, they will view Sharon as the best man for the job. , INTERVIEWER:,And yet, as I hear you, the majority, even the slim majority in both peoples, supported a two-state solution. ,00:20:07>>>, KHALIL SHIKAKI:,Absolutely. Both publics, I believe, and this is not something that came by accident, I believe this transformation has been caused by the peace process. The fact that both sides, all of a sudden - [OFF CAMERA COMMENTS] There is no doubt that both publics, Israelis - Israeli and Palestinian - continue, today, to strongly support a two-state solution. There is a majority of almost three quarters, among Palestinians, and more than 60% among Israelis, who, today, support a two-state solution. This has come about, I believe, to a large extent, due to the initial success of the peace process. The recognition, on both sides, that this is the inevitable and the most reasonable solution to the conflict, that there is no way that violence will be able to put an end to the conflict. And that, therefore, both publics are willing, today, to pay the price for it - the price in terms of reconciliation and willingness to compromise. This change in public attitude has not - in other words, the change towards the support for a two-state solution, has not been effected by the violence. Despite more than two years of violence, both Israelis and Palestinians continue to strongly support and advocate these positions towards a two-state solution. , INTERVIEWER:,Why isn't that reflected in the reality of political reality. ,00:21:40>>>, KHALIL SHIKAKI:,Because both publics are hurting. There is a tremendous amount of pain and suffering from both societies. This pain and suffering, inflicted on the Palestinians, by the Sharon government, the collective punishment, the closure, the curfews, creates the pain and suffering that leads people to support the suicide attacks. The humiliation that - the checkpoints, by the Israeli Army, is the factor that produces that kind of anger, frustration, and therefore leads people to despair, leading more and more people to support suicide attacks. But, it doesn't change the fundamental belief that, at the end of the day, the only way to get out of the - but for good - out of the miserable conditions, is through a process that leads to a two-state solution. This is also true among the Israelis. , INTERVIEWER:,As an expert on the Palestinian opinion, tell us about how the Palestinian interests and opinion is, or is not reflected in the actions, and in the policy taken, today, by the Palestinian leadership in the last two years. ,00:22:51>>>, KHALIL SHIKAKI:,To a large extent, the Palestinian public does not have a great deal of admiration for its leadership. The support for Mr. Arafat has dropped significantly, since the start of the Intifada. The public is punishing Mr. Arafat for what it perceives to be a lack of leadership. Mr. Arafat has failed, during the past two years, to project leadership. At least this is the way the public perceives him. He started with more than 47% support, before the Intifada. Today the level of support for him is hardly 30, 35%. In other words, the public does not believe that his policies are policies that will lead to the end of the suffering, will put an end to the occupation, will create a state for Palestinians, that Palestinians will be proud of. They criticize him for lack to provide leadership, for lack to - for the lack of, of progress in the peace process, for the lack of good governments in Palestinian institutions. Mr. Arafat is - therefore, his policies are not perceived by the public, to be an inflection of what the public wants. , INTERVIEWER:,Do you think that, hypothetically, we could go back two years, and the decision of whether to have an Intifada, could be put to a referendum, now - knowing what we know now? ,00:24:27>>>, KHALIL SHIKAKI:,There is absolutely no way that the public will ever admit to you that it made a mistake, when it supported the Intifada. It is very difficult to get people to admit that they made a mistake. Even if they recognize that they've made a mistake. So, if you were to carry out a referendum, before the start of the Intifada, knowing what we know today about the results of the Intifada, I would say the public will fully support the Intifada. , INTERVIEWER:,Do you think they would privately, in their hearts, wish that it did - it would happen, as it did - , KHALIL SHIKAKI:,Public opinion is about public opinion, it's not about private opinion. We can never guess what you privately think. What we only care about, however, is not your private opinion. Nobody cares about the private opinion of any individual. What we care about is what that individual is willing to put out as public position. This is what is important to us. , INTERVIEWER:,In the case of the public opinion we see expressed in other medias, like, the declarations by the Aksa Martyrs Brigade, the declarations by the people that are captured, they always talk about things like Jihad, and Allah, and martyrs, and martyrdom, and yet when you look at the poll, your very political language of two-states, and reconciliation, and a Palestinian state, how is this - is this an accurate reflection - this talk of martyrdom and Jihad, or is it a, hijacked by a different element that is over represented? ,00:26:12>>>, KHALIL SHIKAKI:,Well, there is not doubt that there are two parallel dynamics at play in Palestinian society and politics. One dynamic is the one that is recognized. And in the long run, Israelis and Palestinians will live together as neighbors in two states. There is no doubt that the public supports this, the public will embrace it once it becomes a reality. However, there is second dynamic, and that is the one that comes out of the result of the pain and suffering. That it comes out of the result of what Israel does; the humiliation, the killing of Palestinians, demolition of homes, the curfews, the seizures. ,All of this creates that kind of despair, pain and suffering, that pushes a different button. That button is the one that Al-Aksa Brigades uses in its own language, to cultivate support, to capitalize on this pain and suffering, to use it to further its own agenda. Al-Aksa Brigades realizes that the majority of the Palestinian public has lost confidence in the ability of the peace process, and negotiations, and diplomacy, to put an end to their suffering. What they want is revenge. What they believe in is that violence pays, that the Israelis suffer as we do, then they will recognize that the only way to put an end to their suffering, is by putting an end to our own suffering. This is a different dynamic from the one that is a lot more rational, a lot more thoughtful, based on close benefit calculations, based on learning, from our own experience. That tells everyone that at the end of the day, the only sustainable solution is one that will build two states, and will lead to reconciliation between the two peoples. , INTERVIEWER:,[OFF CAMERA COMMENTS] I want to break down, more the question of support - Palestinian support. First of all, is there a silent majority of Palestinians you interviewed, who just want to live their lives, have a - as they say in America - a car in every garage, and a chicken in every pot? ,00:29:13>>>, KHALIL SHIKAKI:,There is no doubt that every Palestinian thinks of the day when he or she can go back to their normal life. Nobody can give them that, except Israelis - it is the Israeli Army that suffocates the villagers and the villages, who are not part of the Intifada. The Israeli Army, by imposing seize and curfews, is radicalizing the whole population that would not have been part of the Intifada, to begin with. The majority of the Palestinians would want nothing but to go back to their normal life, to see the beginning of - end of occupation, to see the beginning of return to negotiations, to have hope that this will indeed lead to the end of their misery and suffering. , INTERVIEWER:,Is there, in the good old days, a Golden Age when you felt the least occupation in these areas, and it was shown? ,00:30:12>>>, KHALIL SHIKAKI:,You had a - you had a period - you had the Golden Era of the peace process in 1995, 1996. The second half of 95', first half of 1996. When the majority of the Palestinian public, almost 80%, believed that this is it. This peace process will end occupation. They supported it. They hoped that it would improve their life, their economic life, as well as political life, will give them freedom, will give them the state that they deserve; the freedom and the democracy that they hoped they would get from their own authority. This, however, this perception of the future, and of the realm of negotiations, has all vanished during the years of Netanyahu. ,Three years of Netanyahu essentially killed hope for peace in the hearts and minds of many people. That Barak was not able to revive it. The collapse of the talks in, in, in Washington, Camp David, did a lot of damage to that hope as well. It all led to the Intifada. Under the violence of the Intifada, the Israeli infliction of pain and suffering, collective punishment, that we had even more radicalization because the collective punishment were imposed on all Palestinians, leading to the radicalization of segments of Palestinians. Like villagers, for example, who were not part - who didn't need to be part of the Intifada, who, all of a sudden, felt the pressure of the Israeli Army, during, during the months of the Intifada, and made them lose that, whatever hopes that remained in their hearts and minds, about the possibility of reaching an accommodation with Israel. , INTERVIEWER:,Can you please describe for me, the difference - picture, as a person walking on the ground, not just the statistics and the politics, but just what it felt like to walk around during the Golden Age of Oslo, versus what it feels like to walk around now? ,00:32:24>>>, KHALIL SHIKAKI:,Well, a lot of people felt peace of mind. They felt that they are free, in ways that they had not felt during all the twenty years of the occupation. They - a lot of people felt that this was an opportunity for them to create a democratic political system. That's something, perhaps that most people believed that the Palestinians will do, while many Arab, Arabs in other Arab countries failed to do. A lot of people felt that this was also an opportunity for economic progress. And, and that for them, economically, this will be worthwhile. A lot of people felt that this is an opportunity to build with the Israeli people, join economic ventures. There was a lot of support for social interaction between Palestinians and Israelis during this period. All of this is still there. But it's not, and hasn't been completely erased. But today we find that only a very small minority of the Palestinians continues to cling to these ideas. I would say that less than 10% of the Palestinians would tell you, today, that they believe that those days will come back. , INTERVIEWER:,What were some of the trappings of sovereignty, the seeds that looked like the beginning of statehood, perhaps, or some kind of self-government? ,00:34:34>>>, KHALIL SHIKAKI:,The withdrawal of the Israeli Army, the arrival of the Palestinian Security Services, the establishment of the Palestinian Authority, after the Palestinian elections, the elections in and by themselves were a tremendous demonstration of the Palestinian thirst for independence, for freedom, and to build their own institutions, to govern themselves by themselves. Certainly all this gave the Palestinians the feeling that they are free. During the first Intifada, remember that the Palestinians were not able to raise a flag, a Palestinian flag in their home. Now they can raise the flag anywhere they want. They have all of Israel recognized their flag. Israel recognized their authority. And that gave them a feeling, not only that they can do it, but that they can do it peaceful. , INTERVIEWER:,Today, the cities are reactified? ,00:35:01>>>, KHALIL SHIKAKI:,Today the Palestinian cities are more or less, in full reoccupation, with the exception, perhaps of one of the cities in the West Bank, most of the cities in, in the Gaza Strip, are still nominally under the control of the Palestinian Authority. In reality, the Israeli Army enters and leaves the cities whenever it wants. And people feel - no longer feel free, and they feel that occupation is back, and with that, of course, all the hopes and wishes for freedom and independence have vanished. , INTERVIEWER:,There was at least the sense that at some point occupation was, if not gone, diminished, and not quite existent. ,00:35:49>>>, KHALIL SHIKAKI:,Those days, in which the Palestinians believed that the occupation was diminishing, and was about to be ended, were the days of the Golden Era of the peace process. And that is 95', 96'. There is no doubt that since then, there was - there has been gradual erosion in the belief that occupation will gradually end. In part because of the freezing, but of the movement of the progress, in the peace process during the Netanyahu period, but also because of the continuation of the settlement construction. The settlement construction continued, unabated, throughout the last ten years. And Palestinians who felt the freedom to travel all over The West Bank and Gaza, have begun also to discover that settlement construction was, in fact, expanding. And that this was sending a completely different signal to the public, from the one that the public was receiving with the Israeli Army pulling out of the cities. ,There is no doubt that one of the most dramatic outcomes, of the continuation of the settlement expansion, has been that erosion in the public confidence, in the peace process, and its ability to put an end to the occupation. To the contrary, a lot of people now have begun to feel that the peace process is providing Israel with the opportunity to consolidate occupation, because Israel, under the guise of the peace process, was now, essentially, expanding its settlement enterprise. [CHANGE TAPES]
Shuttle Columbia (06/28/1996)
Thursday, astronauts continued experiments gauging the effects of weightlessness on their bodies. The information will help NASA determine how to build and staff the international space station it plans to construct in a few years. In keeping with the Olympic spirit, Shuttle Columbia crewman Charles Brady Jr. held a flameless Olympic torch as he pedaled as hard as he could on a stationary cycle. Researchers on the ground monitored his lungs.
Shuttle Columbia (07/03/1996)
The seven astronauts of the Space Shuttle Columbia are flying what is the longest mission on a Space Shuttle to date. For nearly two weeks, the astronauts have done daily medical test to study how the body adapts to weightlessness. Most of the test are done on four of the crew members. The crew is scheduled to return on Sunday, 17 days after blasting into orbit. They will then surpass the current endurance record in space by seven hours.
00:00:00:00 RAW-VO of GOP pres. candidate Bob Dole greeting supporters holding Dole signs after the second South Carolina presidential primary debate; vs Dole shaking hands with cheering supporte ...
GOP Response (02/24/1996)
Governor of South Carolina David Beasley gave the GOP repsonse to Clinton's weekly presidential radio address. Beasley blames Clinton for failing to balance the budget and reform welfare even though he promised to overhaul welfare and shrink government. The Governor is calling on Americans to debate and analyze the differences between republican and democratic positions. He says it's clear that real change cannot come as long as Clinton stops it.
00:00:00:00 CNN special entitled "South Carolina Republican Presidential Debate". Moderated by WIS-TV's David Stanton, six of the GOP presidential ccontenders debate the issues. Contains the "CNN ...
Shuttle Highlights (06/29/1996)
The ``Columbia'' astronauts are going to make history. NASA today added a 17th day to their medical-research mission. That will make it the longest flight in space shuttle history. Touchdown is now set for July 7th. In making the announcement...mission control piped the theme song to the movie ``Mission: Impossible'' into the shuttle's laboratory as the seven astronauts worked. A ground controller said, ``your mission, and we know you'll be glad to accept it, is to extend to 17 days on orbit.'' The astronauts smiled, punched their fists into the air and exchanged high-fives. The astronauts will use the extra day to continue testing how weightlessness is affecting their bodies.
Shuttle Columbia Follow (07/05/1996)
Col. Terence Henricks wished America a happy Independence Day Thursday from shuttle Columbia. The shuttle is on a medical-research mission. The seven astronauts aboard Columbia will set a record Sunday with seventeen days in space. Endeavour has the current record with sixteen days and 15 hours in flight. Columbia is scheduled for landing Sunday at approximately 9 a.m. (eastern). Atlantis is scheduled to enter orbit on July 31 but NASA says its investigating gas leaks in Columbia's solid rocket boosters which may delay the launch of Atlantis.
00:00:00:00 Columbia, South Carolina 2/29/96 ws dole speaking to students...vs dole speaking to students (0:00)/
George Stephanopoulos, one of President Clinton's closest advisors, is giving up life in the political quagmire to go to Columbia University and teach. He will be a visiting professor of political science for a two year stint, to start with.
00:00:00:00 RAW-VO of debate reax by GOP pres. candidate Pat Buchanan after the second South Carolina presidential primary debate; ms Buchanan shaking hands with unid people in room, walks toward ...
00:00:00:00 GOP pres. candidate Alan Keyes comments on his exclusion from the GOP pres. candidate debates; ms Keyes walking toward hotel, is asked if he is going on a hunger strike as protest, KEY ...