Interview with Dr. Bernard Lewis pt 2
00:00:38>>> DR. LEWIS:,Yes, I think one has to try and remember the context of 1948. The Partition of Palestine followed not very long after the Partition of India, in the previous year; a similar operation, but on a vastly greater scale. And two years earlier, there was the reshaping of Central and Eastern Europe. You may recall, when Poland was, so to speak, forcibly moved westwards, Eastern Poland was annexed by the Soviets, and Eastern German was annexed by Poland, which sent many millions of Pols and Germans fleeing their homes, or driven from their homes. As in the other cases, one is never quite sure when they fled and when they were driven. But many millions of Germans abandoned or were driven from Eastern - the Eastern German territories, next to Poland, and many millions of Pols, from the eastern territories, and next to the Soviet Union, they were more resettled. ,00:01:38>>>,And the same thing happened in 1947, with the Partition of India. And again, the usual uncertainty; who fled, who was driven, and a combination of the two. Again, they were all resettled. A remarkable thing about the Partition of Palestine, in 1948, is that when I asked the Jews who fled over, or were driven from Arab countries, and went to Israel, they were all resettled. And the Palestinians were the exception. And those who were given Jordanian citizenship were not resettled, they were kept in camps. And the really extraordinary thing is that they remained stateless aliens from the fourth generation. A Palestine refugee, in 48', he went to England, or France, or America, was eligible for naturalization in five years. And his children born there, were citizens by birth. And he went to Syria, or Lebanon, or Egypt, his children, his great grandchildren, remained stateless aliens. And it was a rather remarkable paradox. 00:02:40>>> Why did they go? Well, as I said, the usual mixture, in some areas, they were undoubtedly driven in the -_____ area, for example, a strategic highway from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. On the other hand, we do have the testimony of ______, who was the Syrian Prime Minister, at the time. In his memoirs, he lists the mistakes which the Arab states made, in 48', which led to their failure. And one of them, he lists is our foolishness in calling upon the Palestinian Arabs to leave and go elsewhere, and thus making it easy for the enemy. INTERVIEWER: If the existence of these refugees is not so much an actual grievance, but a deliberately constructed one, what, on the basis of - DR. LEWIS: [OVERLAP] Well, they're not mutually exclusive. I mean it can be a deliberately constructed grievance, but nevertheless genuine. INTERVIEWER: Well, having become both genuine, nevertheless, what other grievance, what other grievance in this nation State of Israel, would encourage countries to want to not resettle in such a grievance ____. What's the real issue? 00:03:51>>> DR. LEWIS: The basic issue is in the point of view of the, of those who hold this news, is that Israel has no right to exist. You see, it should have equality between states, over territory, over frontiers. That is comparatively simple, like Alsace Lorraine and ______, after a long period of struggle, eventually, they reached some sort of compromise. You can compromise over frontiers. You can compromise over populations. You can't compromise over existence. I mean, if the basic issue is whether Israel has the right to exist, then obviously there can be nothing but a struggle to the death. There's no intermediate status between existing and not existing. And obviously it isn't even a subject which can be discussed. No government of any complexion is going to discuss its own existence, as a topic for negotiations. If one looks at the, at the discourse on the Arab's side, one finds both. Among some we find an acceptance, however willing, on Israel's existence, and a concentration on such practical issues as frontiers and populations. On the other hand, there is also, very clearly, particularly among the religious radicals, a total rejection of Israel's right to exist. Now, if you believe that Israel has no right to exist, that its very existence is an aggression, then obviously, any Israeli action is aggressive. INTERVIEWER: The British were in a unique position, going back now to (Inaudible) hostile things, and were allowed immigration, (Inaudible). Perhaps they could have done something better, differently. Perhaps they made some failures? 00:05:43>>> DR. LEWIS: Certainly, but normally the British government made a number of offers. And, going back to 1936, there was the Peele [PH] Plan, which would have offered a Palestinian state in a significant part of Palestine, and this was rejected by the Palestinian leadership. Then came another offer, during the war, which was again rejected. Then the United Nations Partition Plan, of 1947, which was again rejected. I mean, time and time again, there have been compromises proposed which would have required the Palestinian Arabs to accept the existence of Israel, of a Jewish State. It wasn't yet called Israel, at that stage, to accept the existence of a Jewish State in part of Palestine. But they steadfastly refused. 00:06:42>>> And instead, [COUGHS], instead sought - [OFF CAMERA COMMENTS] Time and again they refused, and suggested compromises, and instead carried on the fight against the British, as long as they were there, against the Jews, and against anyone seen as their patrons or protectors. And in order to do this, of course, they sought support, elsewhere, of a general principal who would be the enemy of my enemy, as my friend. The Mufti [PH] - the famous Mufti Haj Amin [PH] got in touch with a general council - general - in Jerusalem, within weeks of them coming to power, suggesting an alliance. The Germans hesitated for several years before they agreed to go along with this, and because they were still hoping to do a deal with Britain. But eventually they agreed, and the Mufti and his men were loyal supporters of the Nazis, right through to the end. Then there was a hiatus, when there was no enemy of my enemy. And then the Soviets emerged and gradually took over that role. So there was a long period of reliance on Soviet support. And then came a third collapse. Now only two reactions, since then; one of them was a frantic attempt to find a substitute. An attempt to find someone to play the role that was played, first, by the Nazis, and then by the Soviets, to find an anti-western power. The only candidate that they've been able to find, so far, is the European union. There are forces in the European Union, who seem to be willing to accept this role. But fortunately, even if they have the will, they lack the power. And the - other reaction is to say, we don't need any support, we destroyed the Soviet Union, we will destroy the United States. We took over, we will take over, and we will establish the power of Islam, once again, as it was in the ancient and glorious days. INTERVIEWER: As an American hearing all this, after September 11th, (Inaudible) now that you're concerned _____. If the problem, the very existence of the United States as a chief world power, is there anything short of just not being that, for it to possibly (Inaudible)? 00:09:04>>> DR. LEWIS: Well, again, it must come - a question of what - [OFF CAMERA COMMENTS] Well, the question is what does one do about it? Now, immediately, after 9/11, there was a very American reaction, what did we do wrong? What did we do to offend them? And that is endearing, but unrealistic. What really offended them was wealth and strength. It is very difficult to be rich, strong, and successful, and be loved by people who are none of those things. And I don't think there is any solution to be found along those lines. What I think is much more practical, it is to bear in mind that we are dealing with a whole world of Islam - an entire civilization - a billion and a third people, more than fifty sovereign states, and an enormously wide range of different traditions. We happened to be confronting a particularly nasty one, at the present time, the Wajabi version of Islam. Which is, as I suggested before, is about as typical of Islam as Ku Klux Klan is typical of Christianity. (Inaudible) give them a holy, spurious importance and relevance, because of the combination of Saudi power, and oil money. And with them, obviously, there can be no compromise, there can be no understanding, and therefore no peace. And the only thing one can do with terrorists, and those who inspire them, is fight against them, to the best of our ability. But it would be a grave error to assume that is what Islam is about, and that is Islam. No, one has to avoid going into either of the opposite arrows. 00:10:40>>> Since 9/11, a great deal has been read - a great deal has been written and broadcast about Islam, an awful lot of nonsense, not all of it by Muslims. And we get two extreme formulations. According to one, Islam is a religion of blood thirsty barbarians, who dream of nothing but slaughter and rapine. According to the other, Islam is a religion of love and peace, rather like the Quakers, but without their aggressiveness. The truth is in its usual place, somewhere between the two. And I think we need to be more realistic in our encounters of Islam. INTERVIEWER: A similar question then, what can, for example, Israel do, in its own recent confrontation, with a more radical ____, this _____ Martyrs Brigade, or Hamas? 00:11:34>>> DR. LEWIS: Obviously, in dealing with those, whose aim it is to destroy Israel, there is nothing that Israel can do but defend itself, as effectively as it can. But I think Israel can, and should do more. Do an open dialogue with Palestinians and other Arabs and Muslims, who are not committed to that particular interpretation of history. They do exist, it is possible to talk to them. And - here I may mention a point which may seem trivial, but I don't think it is. That is a, how shall I put it, well let's be frank, normal Israeli pattern of discourtesy. Not just to them, but to everybody, to each other. After the peace treaty was signed with Jordan, the Jordanians had high expectations; flow of tourists, business, dealings and so on. When I went there a couple of times, I found people very disappointed and very angry. And they said, the Israelis came here, and they behaved with the arrogance of conquerors. And I asked, specifically, what they meant, and they gave me some examples. And I said, you're quite mistaken, it is not the arrogance of conquerors, that's just normal Israeli behavior. That's how they behave to each other, all the time. I had difficulty convincing them. And this may seem a trivial thing, but I don't think it is. If you have to stop someone at a checkpoint, for _____ security reasons, there is no need to humiliate him. INTERVIEWER: Is there, is there an example of a kind of moderate leader? A leader within the Arab world who exemplifies the other option you're talking about, and how would you contrast him? DR. LEWIS: Yes, they do exist. I have spoken to them - [OFF CAMERA COMMENTS] But I'm not gonna - sorry - Moderate leaders do exist, moderate leaders who are willing to talk peace and compromise. I have met some of them. I am not going to endanger their lives by naming them. INTERVIEWER: Are any of the ones that we deal with, and see in the news every day, do they fit that description? People like Yasser Arafat or, I don't know 00:13:37>>> DR. LEWIS: I don't think Arafat fits that description. If one looks at the processes of the last ten years, one feels that - what happened, why did the peace process break down from time to time? It broke down when there was a real danger that peace might break out. And, in asking Arafat to give up terrorism, is like asking Tiger Woods to give up golf. I mean, this is what brought him fame and fortune. This is what made him a world figure. And just consider it, in his perspective, as things are, he's a world statesmen, a world figure - a figure on the world stage. People come to visit him from Europe, from elsewhere, and he commands the headlines and the television screens any time he wants them. If there is peace, he becomes the tin pot dictator of a mini state, a battler of a corrupt mini state in which he has to answer to his people, for all the many things that go wrong. I don't think choice is very difficult for him. INTERVIEWER: Can you imagine a rise of - a different kind of - I asked you this before, but just to clarify, a different strain within the Islamic world, that goes back to the time where Jihad didn't mean violent holy war, and (Inaudible)? 00:14:59>>> DR. LEWIS: There are many traditions with an Islam name. And, as I said, Islam shows great diversity. Indeed, Islam explicitly savors diversity. There is a saying attributed to the prophet, which says that 'diversity is god's blessing'. There are many different traditions. It is not for us that is to say for the outside world, to pick and choose traditions of Muslims. That is a charge they have to make themselves. But I think we should recognize them and be ready to talk to them when the time comes. INTERVIEWER: A little clarification-is the September 11th attack a unique instance of radical Wajabi terrorism, or is it really just a larger example of what happens with Hamas, or with _____, in certain situations? DR. LEWIS: Well it's, it's unique, only in the scale, not in other respects. INTERVIEWER: [OVERLAP] (Inaudible) DR. LEWIS: What? What happened on September -. INTERVIEWER: 11th. DR. LEWIS: What? INTERVIEWER: Sorry. 00:16:00>>> DR. LEWIS: What happened on September 11th was not new and not unique. There have been a number of other attacks in various places, in which we see the same total indifference. Take, for example, the attacks on the Embassy's in East Africa. In order to kill a dozen American diplomats, they were willing to slaughter a couple of hundred Africans who just happened to be there, who had absolutely nothing to do with it, but many of whom were Muslims. I mean, this kind of total indifference to human life, is characteristic of that distinctive approach which is characteristic of that approach, but not of Islam, as such. On the contrary, if you look at the, the literature on the holy law, which is very extensive, it does devote a lot of attention to holy war. But it is a law of war, it deals with such things as treatment of prisoners, treatment of non-competence, and so on and so forth. It gives no countenance at all to indiscriminate slaughter. INTERVIEWER: Describe the role of democracy, as a system and how that might interact with society, to effect the tone of its - even of its religious ____? 00:17:12>>> DR. LEWIS: Well, people talk a lot now about democracy, and about exporting democracy, and so on. And in the western world, particularly in the United States, there is a common belief that democracy is the natural and normal condition of humanity. If there's any deviation from it, it is either a disease to be cured or a crime to be punished. I don't share that belief. What we call democracy, is the parochial habits of the English speaking peoples, or the combat with their public affairs. It has a very short and checkered history, even on the continent of Europe. [BACKGROUND NOISE] And the expectation, that Westminster style, or Jefferson style democracy, could be transplanted elsewhere, and set up, and function, is a delusion. 00:18:02>>> That doesn't mean to say that they cannot set up civilized, responsible, representative government. It can be done. We have - it's difficult to be introduced from outside, but we have two examples where just this happened. You know, take, for example, the cases of Germany and Japan, where democracy was introduced by victorious enemies, and it has worked pretty well. Or take the case in India, where democracy was bequeathed by departing imperialists. And more than half a century later, in spite of its innumerable problems, India is still a vibrant, functioning democracy. And democracy has never been interrupted in India. So these things are possible. They are difficult, but they are possible. ,And I think that there are Arab traditions of government, which could, could end the development of democratic institutions. And here, I think the one with the best prospect is Iraq, oddly enough. For one thing, the Iraqis have had the ultimate experience, on non-democratic government. A thug-like dictatorship, this apparently, is also an importation from Europe. This kind of party - the party dictatorship, and has its roots in Rome, Berlin, and Moscow. And the Bath party, is modeled under fascist, Nazi and communist parties, in its role in the state and society, and it's a matter of functioning. 00:19:36>>> So, don't imagine that, that represents the true Arab, or true Islamic form of government. They know that very well, and they reject it, utterly. I think Iraqi is also promising, in that - of all the oil countries, Iraqis probably made the best use of their oil revenues. They used it to set up an infrastructure, and a pretty good educational system. And primary, secondary and university. Now, it's being devastated by Saddam Hussein. But when you have an educated middle class, they were somehow- could try to educate their children, even if the public schools had gone to pot. INTERVIEWER: You have a new book coming out, (Inaudible). DR. LEWIS: Yes, I have a new book coming out in April. INTERVIEWER: It will have come out when this is aired. DR. LEWIS: My new book, appearing in April - oh no, let's - how shall we put that. [OFF CAMERA COMMENTS] My new book is, is called Holy War - sorry - My new book is called - I forget, what is it called? [LAUGHTER] My new book is called is The Crisis in Islam, and its content is, I think indicated by the subtitle, Holy War & Unholy Terror. Which I try to discuss and explain these issues. And to put current events within a cultural and historical context. [END OF INTERVIEW] INTERVIEWER: Yesterday we interviewed a cleric, who said that - [OFF CAMERA COMMENTS] I spoke to you about Mustafabu Sway, earlier. DR. LEWIS: Mmm. INTERVIEWER: He said that, there cannot be - according to Islam, Islam, there cannot be a Jewish State on Islamic land. There can be Jews who enjoy the holiness of the land, and share (Inaudible) Jewish sovereignty (Inaudible). [OFF CAMERA COMMENTS] 00:22:49>>> DR. LEWIS: Yes, that is so. But it's not only that, it applies to any land. And, according to Islamic teachings, any land which has once been part of Islam, must remain so. And if, for any reason, he falls into infidel hands, it must be recovered for Islam. So this doesn't only apply to the Jewish State, in Palestine, it applies to Spain and Portugal, and Sicily, and any other country which once spawned part of the House of Islam. At one time, I had occasion to work on some Moroccan Embassy reports to Spain. And as late as the 18th Century, perhaps later, but I didn't look later, as late as the 18th Century, whenever they referred to a place in Spain, they had, May God speedily restore to Islam. INTERVIEWER: As you mentioned before, there are diverse viewpoints. DR. LEWIS: Yes, for the general viewers, that if a place has once been Islamic, it must become so again. INTERVIEWER: How will events - how will the aftermath of an Iraqi war, the next Gulf War, or perhaps the past Gulf War, affect regional developments, larger regional developments? Will it only - will it bring peace to the Middle East? Will (Inaudible)? 00:24:00>>> DR. LEWIS: Well obviously there are several possibilities. Let me take the best case. The best case is that they will succeed in setting up, I won't say a democratic government, but a civilized, tolerant, humane, open form of government in Iraq, which could develop into a democratic government. You can't create democracies overnight, it just doesn't work that way. If that happens, and I think that is a real possibility, I think the same would happen fairly soon, afterwards, in Iran. [CLEARS THROAT] Where, again, the people are more than fed up with the sort of clerical tyranny under which they live, and would be very happy to have an open, democratic society. And if those two examples work well, and I think there is every reason why they should work well, one might well see the spread of democratic ideas. 00:24:52>>> And you know, when people talk about setting up a democratic regime in Iraq, there are two fears that are expressed. One is the fear that it wouldn't work. That it would result in chaos, tyranny, break up, and so on. The other, which is much more relevant, is the fear that it would work. And that would be a serious threat to all the other regimes in the regions. I mean, a functioning democracy in Iraq, would be a mortal danger to that collection of dictators and autocrats that we call our allies. INTERVIEWER: In terms of - there is a certain view exemplified by people at think tanks, former policy makers, (Inaudible) and _____, who felt that Israel and Palestine has a symbol. If we can just solve the issues there, that, that are symbolic of what the grievance is. For example, divide Jerusalem equitably, and free Israeli settlement activities, that could show the kind of good will that would calm anger, Islamic anger. 00:25:58>>> DR. LEWIS: The very problem about this is making concessions that are obviously necessary in any peace process. But it has to be done in a context of peace process. Otherwise, making concessions is a sign of weakness, and will trigger a demand for more. And the context has to be right. And personally, I don't think that there can be, be seen on the Palestine issue, ahead of the others. People say, we must make peace in Palestine before we do anything about Iraq. Well that sends a clear signal to Saddam Hussein, make sure they don't make peace in Palestine. And he's been doing very well on that proposition. INTERVIEWER: Anything, any policy mistakes over the past ten years, to the Arab-Israeli peace process, for example, (Inaudible). DR. LEWIS: Do we have another hour? [CHUCKLES] INTERVIEWER: Have any of them been - could any of them been avoided or done differently, might have, might have made things better for this region of people. 00:27:28>>> DR. LEWIS: Yes. I think that Oslo, although it seemed a wonderful idea at the time, was, I think, looking back, a mistake. [CLEARS THROAT] I think there was a real possibility, then. Because, the PLO, the authorized leadership of the Palestinians, was isolated, and enfeebled, and abandoned. And they - the Palestinian leadership, had made a series of wrong guesses. In the world war - in, in the World War they chose the Nazis. In the Cold War they chose the Soviets. In the Gulf War they chose Saddam Hussein. And after three eras of such magnitude, there was a price to pay. The result is that, at that particular moment, immediately after the Gulf War, they were isolated, enfeebled, impoverished, friendless, even penniless because they had antagonized their Arab pay masters, by choosing the wrong side in the Gulf War. And that was seen by the United States government, and the Israeli government, at the time, as an opportunity for peacemaking. And in effect, they threw Yasser Arafat a life belt, brought him onboard, to start, and build, continued negotiations. 00:28:48>>> I think, as it turned out, I must say, I made the same mistake, at the time, I agreed entirely with what was being done. I think we were all wrong. We were all wrong. And whether it could have been done differently, in that situation, I don't know. But my guess is that there we are dealing with a leadership, for whom any kind of concession is a basis for demanding more. Take, for example, the breakdown after the offer from Ehud Barak. Now, there's been a great deal of argument, as to what precisely Barak offered. Some people say it was an offer of extraordinary generosity. Others dispute this and say that it was hedged around, and so on. Now, I don't think that's the point - whether it was a generous offer or not. Even if it was a generous offer. In a good faith negotiation, Arafat was entitled to reject it. If you're doing well in negotiation, and you get a generous offer, the natural thing to do is to try and get something still more generous. I have no quarrel with that. But in, in that case you would have to make a counter proposal. Well, he never did make a counter proposal. Instead he launched an armed insurrection. And when he had driven to the conclusion, that what he saw was a real danger, that peace might break out, in which case what becomes of him? INTERVIEWER: You sound, this is a final point, you sound optimistic when you describe the possible rise of democracy in Iraq, and given that, at times, he (Inaudible) in Iran. DR. LEWIS: Well, I don't have much faith in Khatami , INTERVIEWER: Okay, but - 00:30:24>>> DR. LEWIS: No, I'm, I'm cautiously optimistic. Let me put it this way, in, in the middle, if every - classified countries, in terms of their attitudes to the United States, we can divide the Middle East into three zones: zone one is countries with governments which we are pleased to call friendly, pro-American governments, and therefore, venomously, anti-American populations, because they regard America, with some justification, as being responsible for the corrupt tyrants that rule and oppress them. And, as they used to say in Moscow, it's no accident comrades, that of the hijackers and terrorists, from September 11th, the overwhelming majority came from quote, friendly, unquote, countries. 00:31:12>>> Now, the second zone, are countries with violently hostile governments, namely Iraq and Iran. And all the evidence is that the populations there are friendly, and wish to be friendlier. This is more so in Iran, than in Iraq. Most of the Iranians do not have the Iraqi experience of having been led on and led down, that the Iraqis have when, in 91', President Bush Sr. called on the Iraqi people to rise and revolt against the tyrant, they did, and then we made a cease fire and just sat and watched while the tyrant destroyed them, group by group and region by region. So, [CLEARS THROAT] the Iraqis are understandably wary. But even though all the indications are that they would welcome being liberated. 00:32:02>>> The third zones are the countries that both the government and the people are pro-American. And those, of course, are the only two countries, Turkey and Israel, where the government represents the people. In those two countries elections change governments, in all the other countries in the region, governments change elections. [COUGHS] [OFF CAMERA COMMENTS] In those two countries, in Turkey and Israel, elections change governments. In all the other countries in the region, those that have elections, governments change elections. INTERVIEWER: Is there anything that you might have left off, (Inaudible) a hundred years from now in the Middle East? 00:33:15>>> DR. LEWIS: [CHUCKLES] There is one other point, which may be worth mentioning, and that is oil. A time will come when oil will no longer matter. Either because Middle Eastern supplies are exhausted. Or much more probably, because a clean, renewable substitute for oil is developed, and we no longer need Middle Eastern oil. That, I think, would be the moment of truth. [OFF CAMERA COMMENTS] ,END OF INTERVIEW
Who Gets In?
Several CSs and CUs of Kenyans in waiting room of Canadian immigration office in Nairobi (159 ft). CSs of people arguing with guard at door (82 ft).
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Tunisia: Suicide bombing reported near US Embassy
TUNIS, TUNISIA - MARCH 06: A suicide bomber blew himself up near the U.S. Embassy in the Tunisian capital, according to eyewitnesses. The suicide bomber on a motorcycle carried out the attack in Tunis, said the eyewitnesses. Local media reported that the attack targeted a vehicle belonging to the security forces guarding the embassy. Authorities are yet make any official statement about the casualties. (Footage by Mohamed Mdalla/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)
South Africa Embassy Sign
South African embassy - d/n - sign exterior building Embassy of the Republic of South Africa
Flags fly at half-mast at Washington embassies after Japan's attack on Pearl Harbor
Focus: [issue of March 07, 2023]
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Protest for Africa - 1
In Toronto, a police officer on a motorcycle watches over a pro-Africa protest held outside a U.S. embassy. Protesters dressed in dashikis and traditional African clothing walk past the embassy carrying signs supporting Mozambique's independence from Portugal and protesting racism, oppression of African nations, and the Vietnam War.
Africa Explosion: Clinton; 08/10/98
Bill Clinton makes speech in response to the bombing of American Embassy in Africa.
Tunisia: Suicide bombing reported near US Embassy
TUNIS, TUNISIA - MARCH 06: A suicide bomber blew himself up near the U.S. Embassy in the Tunisian capital, according to eyewitnesses. The suicide bomber on a motorcycle carried out the attack in Tunis, said the eyewitnesses. Local media reported that the attack targeted a vehicle belonging to the security forces guarding the embassy. Authorities are yet make any official statement about the casualties. (Footage by Mohamed Mdalla/Anadolu Agency via Getty Images)
Protest for Africa - 2
In Toronto, pro-Africa protesters walk past a U.S. embassy and down the street carrying signs against racism, colonialism, apartheid, and criticizing the Trudeau administration's policy to support Portugal while Mozambique sought independence.
Africa Explosion; 08/10/98
Aftermath of terrorist bombing of U.S. Embassy in Africa. Rubble and wreckage of destroyed building; Many search and rescue workers on scene; dead and injured carried away; U.S. army soldiers carry flag drapped casket of dead american; Casket loaded onto plain; Clinton makes speech about the bombing.
Riots in Cairo after the death of Lumumba in the Congo. <br/> <br/>Egypt. <br/> <br/>M/S Crowds storming through streets, rioters with banners. M/S Crowd running towards camera shouting and screaming carrying banners. some of them are carrying big photos. of Lumumba. C/U Crowd carrying large banner. banner reads "Hammarskjold murderer" crowd continue past camera. M/S Crowds milling and yelling about on their way to Belgium Embassy C/U Crowd carrying banner reads "Ten of Millions of Lumumba's all over Africa". M/S Crowd outside embassy throwing stones at building. C/U Crowd round car which is burning fiercely. crowd is doing further damage to car. <br/> <br/>L/S Mass of crowd waving fists and shouting. Embassy is seen in background with fire burning by gates. C/U Car burning fiercely. M/S Embassy with crowd at gates. waving and shouting. Fire is burning by the gates. C/U of front of embassy showing railings with one man climbing on top. M/S Crowd shouting and waving banners. C/U Crowd at railings outside embassy. M/S Embassy building with smoke pouring from windows. C/U firemen playing hoses on building. C/U Looking through lattice work showing building at back with smoke pouring from windows. L/S Showing building with firemen placing hoses against it.
South Africa Zimbabwe
Zimbabweans protest outside embassy in Pretoria
Franklin D. Roosevelt with world leaders at conferences during World War II
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Focus: [issue of February 03, 2023]
France 24