JEFF SESSIONS HEARING NOMINATION: SIDE CAM 1 1730 - BREAK
UNITED STATES SENATE COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY HEARING:
Attorney General Nomination
Senate Judiciary Committee
Date: Tuesday, January 10, 2017
Time: 09:30 AM
Location: Russell Senate Office Building 325
Presiding: Chairman Grassley
MEMBER STATEMENTS:
Senator Chuck Grassley R (IA)
WITNESSES:
The Honorable Richard Shelby
United States Senator
State of Alabama
The Honorable Susan Collins
United States Senator
State of Maine
PANEL I
Senator Jeff Sessions
nine Republicans on the judiciary committee concluded that this was not appropriate. So, by voting against that version of the violence against women's act, if it had failed, we would not then, I'm confident, not had a bill. We would have been able to pass a violence against women act that didn't have that provision in it. So, that's sort of where we were in the political process. And one of the bad things about modern American politics is if you take that position, you're not portrayed as being wrong on the tribal issue, you're portrayed as being against a bill that would protect women from violence.
[5:25:55 PM]
And I think that is unfair and thank you for giving me the chance to respond.
>> Well, thank you. And I appreciate that, and I can again confirm because, as I said, I am the Republican sponsor of that bill. And that description you have given is exactly one of just a couple issues which were being seriously litigated, if you will, here, and which we were trying to resolve. And those of you who took that position, again, were not in any way objecting to the act. You had multiple times before supported it, and you were trying to help resolve one specific issue on the bill. And, so, I just want to clarify that with you and again get the record straight about where you stand on the issue. I see my time is pretty much gone. Mr. Chairman, I won't go to my next question.
>> Before I call on senator Blumenthal, out of consideration for you, I want to explain what I think we have left here. If you need a break, tell me. We've got two Democrats and two Republicans to do a second round, beside the chairman, but I'm going to wait until later to do my second round. We've got two Democrats, I've been told, at least want a third round. And, so, what I would like to do is, first of all, if you need a break, we'll take a break whenever you say so now. And in the meantime, I'd like to have my colleagues be -- take into consideration something I want to do. I want everybody to get over here that wants to ask questions and I'm not going to take up anybody's time until everybody else is done, and then I want to take about maybe 15 or 20 minutes of your time to do the equivalent of a couple rounds with questions I haven't asked yet. So, what's your desire?
>> I'm ready to go.
>> Okay.
[5:27:56 PM]
>> I may take a break at some point.
>> You just say when you want to take a break.
>> Thank you.
>> Senator Blumenthal.
>> Thanks, Mr. Chairman. Thank you, senator sessions. I was pleased to hear you disavow and denounce operation rescue in response to my last question. I want to ask about a couple of other groups and individuals. In 2003, I had an event called restoration weekend. You gave a speech praising a man named David Horowitz as a man, quote, a man I admire. David Horowitz has said, among other things, that, quote, all the major Muslim organizations in America are connected to the Muslim brotherhood and, quote, 80% of the mosques are filled with hate against Americans and Jews. He made statements about African Americans, quote, too many blacks are in prison because too many blacks commit crimes. You praised him as a man I admire. That statement was omitted from your response to the committee. Did you omit it because you were embarrassed about praising David Horowitz?
>> No, and I didn't know David Horowitz had made those comments. I read his brilliant book -- what's the name of it? I have a hard time remembering. But it was his transformation, having grown up in a, as he described it, communist family. He was editor of ramparts magazine, the radical magazine. And I believe radical son was the name of his book, it was a really powerful and moving story of how he moved from the unprincipled totalitarian radical left to a more traditional American person.
[5:30:01 PM]
I've read a number of other books, I think one of them, but he's a most brilliant individual and has remarkable story. I'm not aware of everything he's ever said or done.
>> Well, these statements have been reported publicly repeatedly over many years. You first came to know him in 2003. In fact, you received an award from the David Horowitz freedom center in 2014. You were unaware of any of the apparently racist comments that he made --
>> I'm not aware of those comments and I don't believe David Horowitz is a racist or a person that wouldn't treat anyone improperly, at least to my knowledge. The award he gave me was the Annie something Johnson award and that was the lady that went over niagara falls in a barrel. That's the award I received.
>> Let me ask you about another group which also you left out of your questionnaire, a group that the southern poverty law center cited earlier by senator Cruz, listed as a hate group, and you received from the federation for fair immigration reform an award known as the Franklin society award. The founder of that group has said, quote, I have come to the point of view that for European American society and culture to persist requires a European American majority and a clear one, at that. He said also, quote, too much diversity leads to divisiveness and conflict. The founder, John Tanton, also through his political action committee, contributed twice to your campaigns in 2008 and 2014, a thousand dollars in each donation.
[5:32:03 PM]
Will you denounce those statements and disavow that award and that support from that organization?
>> I don't accept that statement. I believe the United States should have an immigration policy that's fair and objective and gives people from all over the world a right to apply. And those who have -- should give preference to people who have the ability to be prosperous and succeed in America and can improve their lives and improve the united States of America, that's sort of my view of it. I do not accept that kind of language.
>> Will you return the award?
>> It is contrary to my understanding of the American vision of life.
>> Will you return the award?
>> Well, I don't know that I have to -- I don't know who -- whether he had any involvement in choosing the award or not and presumably the award and the contributions that I did not even know -- I don't recall ever knowing I got are his decision, not mine.
>> This award similarly was left out of your response to the questionnaire. And I guess the question, senator sessions, is how can Americans have confidence that you are going to enforce anti-discrimination laws if you've accepted awards from these kind of groups and associated with these kinds of individuals and you won't return the awards.
>> Well, first of all, I don't know that I defer to the southern poverty law center as their final authority on who is a radical group. So, I would first challenge that. They acknowledged publicly and have in the last few weeks that I was a strong sister to them in prosecuting the Klan, but they said they oppose me because their views on immigration.
[5:34:08 PM]
Well, I believe my views on immigration are correct, just, decent and right. Somebody else can disagree, but that's what I think.
>> Would you also disavow support from frank Gaffney, center for security policy, who gave you an award in August of 2015, similarly having made statements about muslims and supporting your candidacy for attorney general?
>> Well, they chose to give me the award. They didn't tell me what they gave did to me for. And I don't adopt everything that that center would support. I don't suppose. I'm pretty independent about those things. Ronald Reagan, Dick Cheney, Joe Lieberman, also have received that award from that institution.
>> Well, he hasn't been nominated to be attorney general.
>> Well, he has not. But he ran for vice-president on your party.
>> And the people of the united States might be forgiven for concluding that the kinds of attitudes and the zealousness or lack of it that you bring to enforcement of antidiscrimination laws might be reflected in your acceptance of awards from these organizations, your association with these kinds of individuals. So, I'm giving you the opportunity to completely repudiate and return those awards.
>> Senator Blumenthal, I just feel like the reason I was pushing back is because I don't feel like it's right to judge me and require that I give back an award if I don't agree with every policy of an organization that gave the award. I was honored to be given awards. A lot of prominent people, I'm sure, have received awards at either one of these groups. And David Horowitz is a a brilliant writer. And I think has contributed to the policy debate.
[5:36:09 PM]
Whether he's everything he said, I'm sure I don't agree with. Some of the language that you've indicated does not -- I'm not comfortable with, and I think it's all right to ask that question. But I just would believe it would be more than -- it wouldn't be proper for you to insist that I'm somehow disqualified for attorney general because I accepted award from that group.
>> Given that you did not disclose a number of those award, are there any other awards from groups that have similar kind of idea logical negative views of immigrants or of African-Americans or muslims or others, including awards that you may have received from the Ku klux Klan?
>> Well, I won't receive it from Henry Hayes, I'll tell you that. He no longer exists. No, I wouldn't take a Klan, award from the Klan. So, I would just say that I received hundreds of awards. I don't think -- I probably somehow should have made sure the Annie Johnson coming off the niagara falls, I should have reported that probably. So, I would just say to you I have no motive in denying or that I received those awards, is probably publicly published when it happened. And I've received hundreds, multiple hundreds of awards over my career as I'm sure you have.
>> My time is expired, Mr. Chairman. I apologize and I'll return on the third round. Thank you.
>> I don't find any fault with the questions you're asking, except for this business that somebody that's in the united States senate ought to remember what awards we get.
[5:38:10 PM]
I don't know about you, but I'll bet every other week somebody is coming into my office to give me some award, and you take these plaques or whatever they give you and you don't even have a place to hang them. You store them someplace. I don't know whether even if I went down to is that storage place -- I could tell you all the awards I got. I don't need any more awards. It's kind of a problem that they give you the awards. And obviously I'll bet senator sessions feels that way right now.
>> I don't differ with you, Mr. Chairman. I don't differ with you that sitting here, none of us on this side of the table could probably recall every single award we've ever received. But the questionnaire from this committee asked for the information as to all award, and I think it's fair to observe that a number of these awards were omitted from the responses.
>> Okay. Well, if somebody asked me to fill out that same questionnaire, it would never be complete and I don't know how you ever could make it complete. Before I go to you, I have a statement here from the Alabama state senate, Quinten Ross, a Democrat, minority leader. He says, I know him, meaning senator sessions, personally. And all of my encounters with him have been for the greater good of Alabama. We've spoken about everything from civil rights to race relations and we agree that as a Christian man, our hearts and minds are focused on doing right by all people. And I don't think we should forget that senator sessions got reelected to the United States senate without a primary opponent or a general election opponent. Egads. Wouldn't we all like to do that. Senator graham.
>> I've been unable to do that.
>> The record without objection.
>> Thank you.
[5:40:13 PM]
I had six primary opponents.
>> I can understand why.
>> There you go. I'll probably have ten, I'll probably have ten next time. But here's what I want them to know. I, too, received the Annie Taylor award.
>> Annie Taylor award.
>> There it is. I was there. I got it, too. I don't get enough awards. You can speak for yourself. Yeah, I got the award. I went to the dinner and Chris Mathews interviewed me. Well, I don't know what that means other than I'll do almost anything for a free dinner.
[ Laughter ]
>> You know, I like senator Blumenthal. We did this whole guilt by association stuff. You've been around 15 years -- 20, 15 with me. I'm sure you're not a closet bigot and I got the same award you did. That other award, who got it, Joe Lieberman?
>> He got the award at the Gaffney.
>> Okay. Anyway, all I can tell you is that this whole idea that if you receive recognition from some group, you own everything they've ever done or said is probably not fair to any of us. And we can go through all of our records about donations. Bottom line is, senator sessions, there is no doubt in my mind that you're one of the most fair, decent, honest men I've ever met. And you know what I like most about you? If you're the only person in the room who believes that you will stand up and say so, I have seen you speak out when you were the only guy that believed what you believed. I admire the heck out of that. So, if I get nominated by trump, which I think will come when hell freezes over, I'm here to tell you, I got the Annie Taylor award, too. So, let's talk about the law of war. I think you were asked about senator Feinstein about the indefinite detention. Homdy versus Rumsfeld, this is Sandra day o'connor's quote.
[5:42:15 PM]
There is no bar to this nation's holding one of its own citizens as an enemy combatant. That case involved a U.S. Citizen that was captured in Afghanistan and was held as an enemy combatant. Are you familiar with that case?
>> Generally yes. Not as familiar as you, but I know you studied it in great depth.
>> This has been a military lawyer, this is part of what I did. Do your constitutional rights as a U.S. Citizen stop at the nation's shores or do they follow you wherever you go?
>> Well, you have certain rights wherever you go.
>> So, if you go to Paris, you don't give up your fourth amendment right against illegal search and seizure. Could the FBI break into your hotel room in Paris and basically search your room without a warrant?
>> I don't believe --
>> No, they can't. Your constitutional rights attach to you. So, the people will say, well, he was in Afghanistan. That doesn't matter. What the court is telling us, no American citizen has a constitutional right to join the enemy at a time of war.
In re: Curan, that case involved German sabatures, who land Ed in Long Island. Are you familiar with it?
>> I have that case and have read T.
>> They were German American citizens who had context in the United States. They were seized by the FBI and tried by the military. What I would tell senator Feinstein and my other colleagues, the law is well settled here that a united States citizen and other wars have been held as enemy combatants when everyday suggests they collaborated with the enemy. Under the current law, if you're suspected of being an enemy combatant within a certain period of time, 60 days, I think, the government has to present you to a federal judge and prove by a preponderance of the evidence that you are a member of the organization they claim you to be a member of. Are you familiar with that? Your habeas rights?
[5:44:15 PM]
>> Correct, yes.
>> So, as to how long an enemy combatant can be held, traditionally under the law of war, people are taken off the battle field until the war is over, they are no longer a danger. Does that make sense to you?
>> It does make sense and that is my understanding of the traditional law of war.
>> And the law of war is designed to win the war. The laws around the law of war are designed to deal with conflicts. And to take people off the battle field, you can kill or capture them, and there is no requirement like domestic criminal law at a certain point in time they have to be presented for trial because the goal of the law of war is to protect the nation and make sure you win the war. So, when you capture somebody who has been adjudicated, a member of the enemy force, there is no concept in military law or the law of war that you have to release them in an arbitrary date because that would make no sense. So, all I am saying is that I think you're on solid ground. And beside an American citizen being a combatant is the history of the law of war. And I am willing to work with my colleagues to make sure indefinite detention is reasonably applied and we can find due process rights that don't exist in traditional war because this is a war without end. When do you think this war will be over? Do you think we'll know when it's over?
>> I've asked a number of witnesses in armed services about that, and it's pretty clear we're talking about decades before we have a complete alteration of this spasm in the Middle East that just seems to have legs and will continue for sometime. That is most likely what would happen.
>> You are about to embark on a very important job in an important time. And here's what my suggestion would be. That we work with the congress to come up with a legal regime that recognizes that gathering intelligence is the most important activity in the law against radical Islam. The goal is to find out what they know.
[5:46:15 PM]
Do you agree with that?
>> That is a critical goal.
>> And I have found that under military law and military intelligence gathering, no manual I've ever read suggested that reading Miranda rights is the best way to gather information. As a matter of fact, I've been involved in this business for 33 years. And if a commander came to me as a jag and said, we just captured somebody on the battle field, you name the battle field, they want their rights read to them. I would tell them they're not entitled to Miranda rights. They're entitled to Geneva convention treatment. They're entitled to humane treatment. They're entitled to all the things that go with the Geneva convention because the court has ruled that enemy combatant are subject to Geneva convention protections. So, I just want to let you know from my point of view that we're at war. I'm encouraged to hear that the new attorney general recognizes the difference between fighting a crime and fighting a war, and that the next time we capture bin Lauden's son-in-law, if he's got any more, I hope we don't read him his Miranda rights in two weeks. I hope we keep him humanely as long as necessary to interrogate him, to find out what the enemy may be up to. Does that make sense to you?
>> Well, it does. We didn't give Miranda warnings to German and Japanese prisoners we captured. And it's never been part of the rule. So, they're being detained and they're subject to being interrogated properly and lawfully any time any day and they're not entitled to a lawyer.
>> Right.
>> Go for it.
>> Miranda didn't exist back in World War II, but it does now. But the law, this is very important. You do not have to read an enemy combatant a Miranda rights. They do have --
>> In a habeas court, yes.
>> To see if the government got it right, you can hold them as long as necessary for intelligence gathering.
[5:48:19 PM]
You can try them in article 3 courts, you can try them in military commissions. As attorney general of the United States, would you accept that military commissions could be the proper venue under certain circumstances for a terrorist?
>> Yes.
>> Thank you.
>> Then senator Kennedy, then you should take a break because I want one. Proceed.
>> Thank you. Senator sessions, in 1944, the supreme court handed down what is considered one of the worst rulings in the history of our country, and that case is korimatsu versus United States which upheld the constitutionality which upheld the internment of Japanese Americans in internment camps. Despite the universal condemnation of the court's ruling, this past November, Carl Higby, a spokesman for a pro trump super pack and surrogate for president-elect trump cited that case as precedent for a program which would require muslims in the United States to register with the government. Here are my questions. First, would you support such a registry for Muslim Americans, nerd, U.S. Citizens?
>> I do not believe we need a registration program for U.S. Citizens who happen to be Muslim. Is that the question?
>> My question is whether you would support such a registry for U.S. Citizens who happen to be muslims.
>> No.
>> Thank sinces the president may go in that direction, what kind of constitutional problems would there be for U.S. Citizens who happen to be muslims, to be required to register?
>> Well, my understanding is, as I recall, later comments by president-elect trump do not advocate for that registration.
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But he'll have to speak for himself on his policies, but I don't think that's accurate at this point, as his last stated position on it.
>> Since you don't support such a registry for U.S. Citizen muslims, is that because you think that there are some constitutional issues involved with such a requirement for U.S. Citizen muslims?
>> It would raise serious constitutional problems because the constitution explicitly guarantees the right to free exercise of religion and I believe Americans overwhelmingly honor that and should continue to honor it and it would include muslims for sure and I don't believe they should be treated differently fundamentally.
>> Thank you.
>> Should not be treated differently.
>> In addition to the freedom of religion provisions, perhaps there will be some equal protection constitutional problems, possibly some procedural due process constitutional problems with that kind of registry requirement. Turning to consent decrees, there are more than 18,000 law enforcement agencies in the United States. America's police officers are the best in the world and that is due in large part to their bravery, skill, and integrity in what they do. Our constitution ensures that the government is responsible to its citizens and that certain rights should not be violated by the government but does that mean that things always work perfectly as you noted in one of your responses in the real world. Police officers work and build strong relationships with their communities to keep the public safe, there have been specific use of force deadly incidents that have sparked nationwide outrage. Some of these incidents have led the attorney general's civil rights division to do investigations into whether individual police departments have a, quote/unquote, pattern of practice, unquote, of unconstitutional policing and to make sure police departments are compliant with the law.
[5:52:43 PM]
And when these investigations find that police departments are engaged in unconstitutional policing, they are frequently resolved through consent decrees with the department of justice which requires police departments to undertake certain important reforms that are overseen by independent monitors to ensure that necessary changes are being made in these departments. Senator sessions, you once wrote that, and I quote, "Consent decrees have a profound effect on our legal system as they constitute an end run around the democratic processes." Currently, more than 20 police departments around the country are engaged in consent decrees with the justice department. In Maryland, Baltimore mayor Catherine Pugh said Monday she expects her city to finalize a consent decree with the justice department this week, as noted in the "Baltimore sun." My question is, will you commit to maintaining and enforcing the consent decrees that the justice department has negotiated during this administration?
>> Those decrees remain in force, until and if they're changed, they will be enforced. The consent decree, itself, is not necessarily a bad thing. Could be a legitimate decision. There can be circumstances in which police departments are subject to a lawsuit which is what starts this process. Ultimately ending in a consent decree. But I think there's concern that good police officers and good departments can be sued by the department of justice when you just have individuals within a department who have done wrong. And those individuals need to be prosecute ued.
[5:54:43 PM]
And these lawsuits undermine the respect for police officers and create an impression that the entire department is not in -- doing their work consistent with fidelity to law and fairness and we need to be careful before we do that, is what I would say to you, because filing a lawsuit against a police department has ramifications sometimes beyond what a lot of people think and it can impact morale of the officers, it can impact the view of citizens to their police department and I think caution is always required in these cases.
>> Senator sessions --
>> I wouldn't prejudge a specific case.
>> I understand that, but showing of a pattern of practice needs to be shown so these are not just a rogue police officer doing something that would be deemed unconstitutional. So are you saying that with regard to negotiated consent decrees that you will revisit these consent decrees and perhaps give police departments a second bite at the apple so that they can undo some of the requirements on them?
>> Well, presumably, the department of justice under the holder/lynch leadership always would be expecting to end these decrees at some point. So I just wouldn't commit that there would never be any changes in them and if departments have complied or reached other developments that could justify the withdrawal or modification of the consent decree, of course, I would do that.
>> Well, usually consent decrees require when -- when they end, it is because they have complied with the provisions of the consent decree so I'm just trying to get a simple answer.
>> Well, I give you a simple answer.
>> I hope you would --
>> It's a difficult thing for a city to be sued by the department of justice and to be told that your police department is systemically failing to serve the people of the state or the city, and so that's an August responsibility of the attorney general and the department of justice.
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>> So --
>> And so they often feel forced to agree to a consent decree, just to remove that stigma. And sometimes there are difficulties there. So I just think we need to be careful and respectful.
>> I understand that. But as to the consent decrees that were negotiated with both parties in full faith to do what's appropriate that you would leave those in tact unless there are some extraordinary circumstances. Of course, going forward as attorney general, you can enter into whatever consent decrees you deem appropriately -- appropriate. So my question really is the existing consent decrees which took a lot to negotiate, by the way, and it's not the vast majority of police departments in this country. It's 20.
>> You can answer that if you want to then we'll move on.
>> I understand what you're saying and one of the impacts of a consent decree is it does require judicial approval of any alteration in it. And it -- that raises pros and cons.
>> Senator Kennedy.
>> Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Senator, could you tell the committee a little bit more about what it was like to be U.S. Attorney? What was your management style, did you enjoy it? How was it compared to serving the state government as a state attorney general?
>> I loved being U.S. Attorney. That was
-- if you like law enforcement, trying to -- prosecuting criminals. It was just a fabulous job and we had great assistants and I loved it and our team did.
[5:59:03 PM]
Camelot days for me. So I did feel that. Only had two years as attorney general. We had this monumental deficit when I got elected and we had to lay off a third of the office because we didn't have money to pay the electric bill and it was just one thing after another and then I was running for the senate. So I didn't get to enjoy that job but the United States attorney job was a really fabulous experience and I believe in the course of it, I worked with FBI, Dea, U.S. Customs, marshal service, all the federal agencies, ATF, irs, post L service and their inspectors and you get to know their cultures and their crimes they investigate, the officers, what note investiga motivates them, how a little praise and affirmation is so important for them. They get the same salary, you know. If they're not feeling appreciated, they feel demeaned. Their morale can decline. So that kind of experience was wonderful and I do think it would help me be a better attorney general.
>> I made up my mind. I yield back my time. I hope you will be a raging voice of common -
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